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Sne-nay-muxw women, like other Salish women in the region, were the weavers andwove blankets, baskets, and mats. They were very proficient in weaving blankets out of acombination of a domestic dog hair and a variety of other materials such as fireweed anddown from geese and ducks.

Mats used to cover stored foods and for furnishingswere also made out of flat leaves of cattails and tule stems which were gathered in the latespring or early summer Stem Women also made a variety of clothing such as21A domestic dog resembling a small white haired Pomeranian was observed by many ofthe early visitors to the area.

Cedarbark hats were also woven. The degree ofautonomy for a household, or a local group, depended upon its ability to include all theexpertise needed to make it independent as well as competitive with other local groups.

Women who were good blanket weavers and basket makers were accorded great statusand honour. Similarly men who were good carvers and canoe makers were also givenhigh standing in the community.

The work ethic wasvery much entrenched in the Sne-nay-muxw value system. The habits ofhard work werethe most highly prized of any personal characteristic and men and women were praised forcontinually working Collins Laziness was the worst of all faults and mostdespised Bamett It was an accepted justification for marriage dissolution.

Children from an early age were impressed with the importance of industry andambition. This emphasis was evident in the puberty ceremonies.

When a young girlsought a supernatural helper it was not only to make her attractive but industrious. The acquisition of spirit powerwas thus linked to productivity and the accumulation of wealth.

This account of the division of labour reveals the important contribution ofwomen tothe maintenance of the household group.

Not only were women essential for thegathering, processing and preserving of food but for their specialized skills that made ahousehold selfsufficient.

Often this coincided with age as older women perfected weaving skills that werehighly admired. However, as the following section shows this did not exclude women from the ownershipand distribution ofwealth.

Ownership and Distribution of WealthThe concept ofproperty and wealth was well developed among the Sne-nay-muxw as itwas for all peoples on the Northwest Coast.

Inherited property included resource sites, house planks, and fishingweirs, as well as intangible property such as personal names, songs, dances, spirit powersand other ceremonial prerogatives.

Marriages were arranged to give access to thisproperty. Either men or women could inherit property Boas Resource sites such as clam and camas beds, as well as berry patches were often the solepossession ofwomen and inherited from mother to daughter Elmendorf ; Collins 5.

Intangible property such as spiritual powers and ceremonial prerogatives couldalso be inherited from mother to daughter.

While women generally seemed to inheritspiritual powers associated with femininity some women did have ceremonial prerogativesthat were considered masculine Snyder In some households this gender relatedownership was extended to the point that they possessed two sets of titles, one for womenand the other for men Jenness n.

Women owned the blankets, basketsand mats they wove, while men owned their tools and canoes. A title also skipped a generation Barnett papers, Box 1, folder 1.

This genderrelated ownership ofproperty was noted by Gibbs:The maker of anything is its necessary owner Not only do the men ownproperty distinct from their wives, but their wives own each her privateeffects, separate from her husband as well as from the others.

She is about 50 years of age, and dresses very neatly for an Indianwoman Her canoe was large and handsomely painted, and was paddledby five slaves, two ofthem women Colvocoresses Women in upper class families secured a great amount of wealth through inheritancealone.

It wasnot shared with her husband but inherited by her children. A dowry given to women at the26 This is disputed by Smith who argues that while the Puyallup and Nisquallywomen acquired prestige in their society they were excluded from public authority.

Other womenwho did not inherit wealth, could through their own industry create wealth. Specialization as noted above gave womenstatus for the need such specialization fulfilled within the local group.

But specializationalso gave individual women wealth from their own production as their products had greatwealth value in the various levels of exchanges.

At its mostinformal were the exchanges that occurred at the family level between husband and wife. While sharing was essential for the well being of a family, property was not pooled butexchanged to a point of a recognized balance of give and take.

Any misbalance couldproduce divorce and the loss ofprestige for the household. Smith explains how thisbalance worked between men and women amongst the Puyullup and the Nisqually:If a woman sewed upon hide which she had gotten in exchange for her ownlabour, or the product ofher labour, the garment belonged to her.

Ifherhusband had tanned the hide she had to sew it for him and it belonged tohim. If she worked on her own hide and let his lay, he could raise hell.

As well as this informal exchange, women also participated in other informal exchangeswith their affines in the household group and own kin outside.

Within the householdgroup exchanges were generally reciprocal and were expressions of friendly feeling. These exchanges were an important way for women to consolidate their relationships withtheir in-laws as patrilocal residence pattern placed them in the same household.

They were an important means of directly converting food to wealth as well ascreating mutual support during warfare Suttles This relationship was essential to a woman as a form of economic insurance for thosetimes when a marriage dissolved through incompatibility or death.

While levirate andsororate were commonly practiced among the Coast Salish, aThnal exchanges were anadditional measure of security for women.

They reaffirmed her connection with her ownkin and their resource sites. Feasting of the household occurred when one household feasted another household inthe same village.

These feasts occurred when there was a surplus of food and were anoccasion to validate changes in status on a small scale.

For example, one such occasionwas when a child was given a name Amoss Such55formal exchanges ofwealth occurred in the spring and early summer months beforeintensive food getting activities occurred.

The primary object of accumulating anddistributing wealth in this exchange system was to validate status and rank. This wasequally important to both men and women as women exchanged their wealth either in theirown name or through their husbands Stem Affinal exchanges were a means of reconciling this conflictingsituation.

Not only were women mothers and wives, but major contributors to thehousehold economy through their daily work.

From an early age young women weresocialized to believe that their worth was linked to work. Work was delined as both thatwhich reproduced the family and that which created wealth.

Women were not alienatedfrom either production. Through their work women could acquire considerable powerand status in the household which was validated through their hereditary rights.

How wage labouraffected this division of labour and autonomy is examined in the following chapters. Theimmediate section describes the early contact and für trade period that was to begin atransformation in the nature of gender relations.

While exploring theislands in the Strait of Georgia, a part of the expedition anchored off the northwest end ofGabriola Island at Descanso Bay. They were met by several canoes of Sne-nay-muxwpeople who eagerly traded dried herring and other trade goods for iron, shells and beads.

This site was not abandoned but Sne-nay-muxw customarily movedto more temporary fishing sites during the summer months.

Planks were often taken tohelp construct their make shift summer houses giving winter villages an abandonedappearance. The Spanish themselves noted four canoes loaded with house planks whileanchored in Descanso Bay Kendrick ; Burley ,48; Wagner The arrival of the Spanish in was probably not a great surprise to the Sne-naymuxw as first contact on the coast had occurred two decades earlier and new trade goodshad already found their way by intertribal trade throughout the coast.

However, it is unknown if contact was made at this time Wagner It is assumed these were acquired through intertribal trade.

However the lack of sea otters inthe Strait of Georgia had excluded maritime traders in this region. The eagerness of theSne-nay-muxw to trade for Spanish goods indicates that they were not ignorant of themdespite no evidence ofEuropean goods amongst them Wagner The presence of these posts was to produce a new era for the Sne-nay-muxwbut before discussing how this mercantilist economy affected their lives someconsideration should be given to the demographic changes that occurred with theintroduction of new diseases at the time of initial contact.

Demographic ChangeThe introduction of infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, syphilis, smallpox, andmeasles, to name a few, had a drastic impact upon the Sne-nay-muxw as it did upon otherindigenous people who had no immunity to them Newman Our understanding ofthe effects of these diseases upon Sne-nay-muxw population is limited as estimates of theirpre-contact population have varied from to people Duff ; Johnson ;Nanaimo and District Museum Society It was not witnessed by Europeans but observations ofpockmarked individuals throughout Coast Salish territory several decades later were notedby many explorers Puget ; Vancouver ,,; Menzies , Thisfirst epidemic reduced the population throughout the coastal region by more than a third Boyd , Severalother smallpox epidemics occurred on the Coast but Duffbelieves were not as devastatingas the first as not all of these later epidemics reached the Sne-nay-muxw.

If these figures are correct two outbreaks of smallpox on the coast, onein and the other in had minimal impact upon the Sne-nay-muxw.

It ishighly conceivable that each epidemic had varying effects throughout the region. He attributes the reduced impact of these epidemics toa discontinuity in population and communication, and to the dissemination of smallpoxvaccine from the mid coast forts.

Both his reasons are questionable in light of the historicand archaeological evidence of the Sne-nay-muxw. Not only did they have a great degreeof interaction between peoples the length of the coast but there is no evidence of the postsgiving out vaccinations to the Sne-nay-muxw at these times.

These diseases had a substantial impact upon Sne-nay-muxwpopulation particularly in the later years. A census taken in lists the population ofSne-nay-muxw at which included 50 old men and women, young men andwomen, and children Heaton BCARS.

This is considered a low estimate as it wastaken during the summer when many of the Sne-nay-muxw were away fishing on theFraser River.

In when the Sne-nay-muxw reserves were officially set out by theReserve Commission they were enumerated at If this figure is accurate it indicates asubstantial decline in population from Aside from disease, another factor that affected Sne-nay-muxw population waswarfare.

Warfare in pre-contact times is believed to have been a result of conflictover the critical resources produced by population pressure, temporal and spatialavailability, trade demands, and labour requirements for production and exchange Ferguson These factors were more critical in the northern region than in Sne-naymuxw territory where there was a great diversity and fluctuation of food resources.

However, warfare did become endemic after contact and is believed to have been aproduct of the für trade and the demand for trade goods and slaves Donald Atthis time the traditional enemies of the Sne-nay-muxw were the Lekwiltok, or as they werecommonly known a century ago the Yucultas or Euclataws.

They lived in and aroundCape Mudge and were estimated to number about at the end of the 18th Century. They fought to control territory on thenortheastern coast ofVancouver Island and eventually displaced the northern Coast Salishfrom Qualicum Beach and Comox Taylor and Duff ; Boas , Shellmounds in the woods where women and children hid, fortified villages, and tales ofbattlesduring this period are evidence of their incursions into Sne-nay-muxw territory Matthew,; Boas ; Robson Depopulation from disease and warfare greatly altered Sne-nay-muxw movement andexploitation of their territory.

A decline of more than half the population from disease in ashort period oftime left villages deserted and resource sites unused. Endemic warfareshifted preferences for habitation and resource locations that offered protection and were61easy to defend.

As well as these changes we can only guess at the extent of socialdisorganization that followed such depopulation.

Family histories would have been lost asmany of the elders died. New leaders may have arisen emphasizing new skills such aswarriors and shamans. Shamans for example, may have exercised more power in theirsociety with their connection to cleansing ceremonies and death Guilmet et al Despite these changes, it is believed that the Sne-nay-muxw lived in an area of thecoast that experienced the greatest cultural continuity Boyd While depopulation produced change, it is easily assumed that this change occurred alongindigenous lines of development intrinsic to Sne-nay-muxw culture.

By the Sne-nay-muxw had adapted to new trade goodsand made some shifts in subsistence production to accommodate the fur trade. Thefollowing section examines this change.

This was to quickly change with the establishment oftwo für trading posts in theregion, first Ft. Langley on the Fraser River in and Ft.

Victoria at the southern tip of62Vancouver Island in Langley was established quite close to the Sne-nay-muxwsummer village on the Fraser River.

Langley journal:They occasioned us a little annoyance by repeatedly and obstinatelyattempting to come on board and it was not till all were under arms thatthey desisted from their purpose.

They were urged forward by an elderlyman who gave out orders with a loud voice and in a very determined tone.

Finding their efforts ofno avail they went quickly away and soonafterwards the vessel came to an anchor Ft. Langley Journal, July 25,, BCARS.

They traded a number of items but most specifically fish,which they often caught within view of the post. Women also came to trade berries forrings, buttons and other trade goods.

By the first week of September visits to the postdeclined as many of the Sne-nay-muxw left for Pitt River to collect wapato ibid Sept 5th, They returned to their summer village briefly before they left at the end ofSeptember for their winter residence on the Island.

The journal kept at Ft. However it was not until the beginning of July that thewhole tribe appeared again at their summer village site ibid June 26th, ; July 4th, When they returned the following summer the Sne-nay-muxw possessed a number offurs to exchange.

The first to bring furs to the post was a Sne-nay-muxw woman whobrought five skins which she traded for a blanket. She assured the post she had more tobring but unfortunately there is no further record of this woman returning to trade ibidJuly 7th, After these initial transactions other individual Sne-nay-muxw traded anumber of furs throughout the summer ibid Aug 23rd, As well as fursthe Sne-nay-muxw also traded fish and berries for which they received knives and othersmall trade goods.

The quantity of furs traded during the summer months indicates a new interest intrapping fur bearing animals that had not been important to the Sne-nay-muxw subsistenceeconomy.

Despite this initial trade in furs für bearing animalswere not numerous on Vancouver Island or in the Fraser river drainage region around thepost.

Langley to intercept the furs from the interior. What little game wasavailable on Vancouver Island and the Fraser River drainage was quickly depleted withinthe first decade.

Sne-nay-muxw access to any great wealth of trade goods through furswas greatly limited. Langley turned to amore lucrative industry in salting salmon.

This became an important export product forthe post and many local tribes on the river began to trade salmon during the peak runs.

One observer at this time noted how fish was traded at the post from the Sne-nay-muxwand other tribes on the Fraser River through a single trader:Orvid Allard did all the trading with the natives for their salmon.

He usedto stand at the wharf with two or three trunks full of the Indians favoritestuff such as vermilion for the women to give themselves rosy cheeks andtobacco for the men Manson BCARS.

The Sne-nay-muxw had a distinct advantage in trading salmon as their fishing site wasonly a few miles from the post. Trade however was limited in the early years as only barrels were prepared annually between and Langley was exporting one to two thousand barrels of salmon a year Nelson ;Cullen ; Mackie After production exceeded barrels andprofits from salmon exceeded furs at the post Mackie Principally this labour was drawn upon Native women and children.

Aurelia Manson, thedaughter of the Chief Factor of the post gives a description of how Native women helpedclean and salt fish for barreling:The boys of the fort with 2 or 3 native lads from the Indian village did therunning with the fish from the wharf which they piled up before thewomen of the fort, and others who seated in a circle in the shed, wherethey were salting the salmon.

And so they worked all day, early in themorning until late at night, till the salmon run was over Manson BCARS.

While it is unknown if Sne-nay-muxw women were directly involved in this productioncertainly they observed other Native women employed in this occupation.

Native womenwere also used for other labour around the post. How successful the Sne-nay-muxw were in acquiring goods through trade of furs andfish is difficult to assess.

Guns were adesired trade good not only for hunting but also for protection against the raiding northerntribes. Yet by all tribeson the river and on the southeast coast of Vancouver Island had acquired a considerablenumber.

The Sne-nay-muxw had in their possession at this time 56 guns or one gun forevery eight individuals Douglas Private Papers BCARS.

While a crude measure oftrade wealth it does indicate that in just over a decade the Sne-nay-muxw were66successfully in acquiring a number ofwealth goods such as guns for furs, fish and othertrade goods.

The Sne-nay-muxw continued tocome to the Fraser river to fish in the summer months and returned to Vancouver Islandfor the fall fishing and winter ceremonials.

The spring was a time for herring andmovement to Gabriola Island to gather camas and shellfish. The interest in trapping andhunting increased but not to any extent that changed the traditional movement throughtheir territory.

There was however one substantial change in food getting activities thataffected the labour of women. It was the cultivation ofpotatoes.

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